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Key Facts on the Presidential Public Financing ProgramThe presidential public financing program is in serious trouble – and the facts show it. Prior to the 2000 elections, only three presidential candidates “opted out” of the public financing system. They did so because each was independently wealthy. Since 2000, the list of candidates opting out has at least doubled to six, with the possibility that more may follow. This time, however, the choice to forego public funds is not because the candidates are independently wealthy, but because they can raise more money from private special interests than from the public financing program. Simply put, the current presidential public financing system needs a major overhaul. Look at some of the key facts: While 50 percent of total presidential campaign spending from candidates and parties in the primary and general elections combined came from public funds in 1976, that figure has fallen to 19 percent today.
The means to resolve these problems are well within reach, if only we could muster the political will. The presidential public financing system could survive the challenges posed from special interest money by turning to a full public financing program for both the primaries and the general election. Full public financing costs only a few dollars more per taxpayer than the current system, yet it could make the concept of special-interest free elections achievable. The following are key facts about the presidential public financing system: A. Total Spending on Presidential Campaigns
B. Primary Campaign Spending and Eligibility Criteria
C. Nominating Conventions
D. General Election Spending and Eligibility Criteria
E. Voluntary Tax Checkoff Program
F. Cost of Full Public Financing for Presidential Campaigns
G. Miscellaneous
November 3, 2003
[1] Herb Alexander, Financing the 1976 Election, at 166 (1979). Includes candidate expenditures, party expenditures and convention expenditures. [2] Candidate expenditures from Candice Nelson, “Spending in the 2000 Elections,” Financing the 2000 Elections, ed. David Magelby (2002) at 24. Data supplemented with Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data. Includes presidential candidate expenditures, Republican National Committee and Democratic National Committee hard and soft money expenditures, and convention expenditures. [3] Alexander, op.cit., at 173. [4] Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data of total expenditures divided by total public funds allocated to primary candidates ($57.7 million), conventions ($27 million), and general election candidates ($147.6 million). [5] 2004 primary spending ceilings and public fund caps are estimated based on 2000 spending levels. Official figures will not be released by the Federal Election Commission until later in the election season. [6]Id. [7] Estimates of eventual spending by the George Bush campaign in the 2004 primary elections range from $170 million to more than $200 million. See, for example, Thomas Edsall, “Campaign Financing Reshaped,” Washington Post (Aug. 5, 2003) at A1; Marc Sandlow, “Bush Tops Field in Fundraising,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer (June 23, 2003) at A1. [8] Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data. [9]Id. [10] Herb Alexander, op.cit. at 173. “Principal” campaigns refers to candidates who met the eligibility threshold for public financing, regardless of whether the candidate accepted public financing. [11] Figures derived from Anthony Corrado, “Presidential General Election,” Financing the 2000 Election, ed. David Magleby (2002) at 89; and from Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data. [12] Federal Election Commission, Press Release (June 30, 2003). [13] Thomas Edsall, “FEC to Consider Lifting Ban on Soft Money,” Washington Post (July 23, 2003) at A4. [14]Id. [15] Estimated spending ceiling based on figures for the 2000 presidential election. The Federal Election Commission will not provide specific spending ceiling figures until March 2004. [16] Herb Alexander, op.cit. at 173. “Principal” campaigns refers to candidates who met the eligibility threshold for public financing, regardless of whether the candidate accepted public financing. Though public funds are theoretically intended to cover a candidate’s full campaign budget in the general election, candidates are permitted to raise and spend some private money to cover limited compliance and fundraising costs. [17] Figures derived from Anthony Corrado, “Presidential General Election,” Financing the 2000 Election, ed. David Magleby (2002) at 89; and from Federal Election Commission data. Though public funds are theoretically intended to cover a candidate’s full campaign budget in the general election, candidates are permitted to raise and spend some private money to cover limited compliance and fundraising costs. [18] Compiled from Federal Election Commission data. [19] Kenneth Doyle, “Presidential Campaigns: FEC Legislative Recommendations Exclude Big Changes,” Money & Politics Report (April 8, 2003). [20]Id. [21] Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data. [22] Based on the $232.3 million in public funds distributed to candidates and the parties in the 2000 presidential election, divided by total number of taxpayers. [23] Estimated cost per taxpayer for full public financing is based on 10 primary election candidates spending $45 million each, two major party conventions costing $15 million each, and two major party nominees spending $74 million each in the general election, divided by total number of taxpayers. [24] Joseph Cantor, “The Presidential Election Campaign Fund and Tax Checkoff: Background and Current Issues,” Congressional Research Service Report (March 18, 1997); figures for 2000 derived from Public Citizen analysis of Federal Election Commission data. [25] Craig Holman, “The Emergence of Public Financing of Candidate Campaigns From the Scandals of American History” Unpublished paper on file with the author (2002). more resources
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